There was no sky above our village. So we had to go to the city to see the moon and the birds. argue here that not only Ilyin is not Putin’s “guru,” but that Ilyin’s ideological legacy in contemporary Russia is more complex than that of “fascism”.Ilyin saw Russia’s essence in autocracy, statehood, messianism and cultural exceptionalism. There is nothing particularly fascist here, just the most conventional vision of Russia. The Art of Being a Problem
Preparation for a U.S.-Russia summit that could happen before the G20 meeting in July is in full swing, Russia’s state-run media report. Even a venue has been discussed: Putin himself had said that his first meeting with Trump could take place in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia
If Donald Trump's presidency was really a live action real-time remake of King Lear for the digital age, how would we know?passage in which Marx deals directly with political representation is in
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte
, where he refers to the French peasantry as being ‘incapable of asserting their class interest in their own name
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hyväntekijöstäkin tullu aggressiivisia, täs
y other thinkers among the regime’s pantheon. Putin has referred many times to historians such as Nikolai Karamzin (1766–1826), symbols of classical Russian historiography, or political figures such as Petr Stolypin (1862–1911), the embodiment of Russia’s modernization path at the beginning of the 20th century. Even the impressive “Russia--my history” historical park, funded by the Moscow Patriarchate and the Moscow city government, which features more than 300 quotations on Russia on the walls, offers only 10 quotes from Ilyin, far fewer than many classic Russian historians and philosophers. Dmitri Badovsky’s ISEPI (Institute for Social-Economic and Political Research: Institut sotsial’no-ekonomicheskikh i politicheskikh issledovanii), the main think-tank engaged in elaborating a conservative ideology for the Kremlin,
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