Βελζεβούλα stá mañana, Repekka on mulla laulu, tää laulu vain pieni laulu, Repekka sen luokses siivitän tullessa yönKiero ja kärttyisä setä, joka ei ole yhtään lupsakka. ‏@velze_voula 15. elokuuta 2012 Εδώ δενομαστε με παλιές μπλούζες, δε θα δενομαστε με ανθρώπους;

Mutta missä on hyttyset?! Ei tämä ole, perkeles, kesä eikä mikään jos ei saa kiroilla hyttysiä! #BringBackOurMosquitos

https://kaleidoscopesmagic.wordpress.com/Between this world and the next haluatko jonkun tietyn jäsenen? #suhtoleellinenkymysysI’m kind of dependent on the text that is hand written on the signs of guidance. Or maybe I’ll just run in to some wise man with wind in his soul and a solid navigation plan. Then I surely would sail from exit to the entrance But ‘till such aid for me is offered I have to forget how much I’ve suffered and to stop bragging with my scar tissue. That is what I think about the shift It's like a weightless leaf on a drift with this faith in mind, love is not an issue.ai mollo jätkät tulee no sen ku nyt tietais

HEHE @TSVKOM · 17 t .@Plutokraatti Sinua emme lisää Kärttyisät sedät -listalle, senkin höpönassuhumoristi.Libertarian socialism From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Part of a series on Libertarian socialism Concepts[hide] #eitämämeidäntwittervirtaniinvilkasole #teidätonkutsuttutöihin #kompromisssuomi2014Anti-authoritarianism Anti-capitalism Anti-consumerism Anti-Leninism Anti-Stalinist left Anti-statism Classless society Consensus democracy Common ownership Commons Commune Decentralization Decentralized planning Direct democracy Dual power Class struggle Economic democracy Egalitarian community Free association Free love Free school Free store Mass strike Guilds Libertarian municipalism Mutual aid Phalanstère Prefigurative politics Proletarian internationalism Refusal of work Social center Social enterprise State capitalism Stateless society Squatting Ultra-leftism Use value Wage slavery Workers' control Worker cooperative Workers' council Models[hide] Gift economyNikke Ankara - Perjantai 13. Communalism Communization Economic democracy Guild socialism Inclusive Democracy Left-wing market anarchism Participatory economics Socialization People[hide] Gerrard Winstanley Charles Fourier Josiah Warren Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Joseph Déjacque Francesc Pi i Margall Mikhail Bakunin Louise Michel Peter Kropotkin William Morris Oscar Wilde Benjamin Tucker Errico Malatesta Leo Tolstoy Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia Emma Goldman G. D. H. Cole Ricardo Flores Magón Gustav Landauer Rudolf Rocker Otto Rühle Antonie Pannekoek Buenaventura Durruti Nestor Makhno Sylvia Pankhurst Paul Mattick Mahatma Gandhi Dorothy Day Herbert Marcuse Cornelius Castoriadis Paul Goodman Colin Ward Chris Pallis Daniel Guérin Murray Bookchin Guy Debord Raoul Vaneigem Abbie Hoffman Antonio Negri Takis Fotopoulos Noam Chomsky Gilles Dauvé Michael Albert Subcomandante Marcos Philosophies[hide] Anarcho-communism Anarchist economics Anarcho-syndicalism Autonomism Collectivist anarchism Council communism Fourierism Gandhian economics Insurrectionary anarchism Libertarian Marxism Left communism Luxemburgism Magonism Mutualism Participism Platformism Social anarchism Social ecology Situationist International Revolutionary syndicalism Yippies Zapatismo Significant events[hide] Diggers Cantonal Revolution Paris Commune Haymarket affair Strandzha Commune February Revolution Bavarian Soviet Republic German Revolution of 1918–1919 Biennio Rosso Free Territory Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks Kronstadt uprising Escuela Moderna Mexican Revolution Spanish Revolution 1953 East German uprising 1956 Hungarian Revolution May 1968 in France Prague Spring Left Communism in China Autonomia Operaia Zapatista Uprising 1999 Seattle WTO protests Argentinazo Occupy movement Related topics[hide] Anarchism Libertarianism Left-libertarianism Marxism Socialism Anarchism portal Socialism portal Libertarianism portal Philosophy portal Politics portal v t e Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism,[1][2] left-libertarianism[3][4] and socialist libertarianism[5]) is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into common, while retaining respect for personal property, based on occupancy and use.[6] Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.[7] The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism,[8][9] and by some as a synonym for anarchism.[1][2][10] Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.[11] Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that promotes the identification, criticism, and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of life.[12][13][14][15][16][17][18] Accordingly, libertarian socialists believe that "the exercise of power in any institutionalized form—whether economic, political, religious, or sexual—brutalizes both the wielder of power and the one over whom it is exercised".[19] Libertarian socialists generally place their hopes in decentralized means of direct democracy such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions, and workers' councils.[20] Political philosophies commonly described as libertarian socialist include most varieties of anarchism (especially anarchist communism, anarchist collectivism, anarcho-syndicalism,[21] and mutualism[22]) as well as autonomism, Communalism, participism, libertarian Marxist philosophies such as council communism and Luxemburgism,[23] and some versions of "utopian socialism"[24] and individualist anarchism.[25][26][27] Contents [hide] 1 Overview 1.1 Anti-capitalism 1.2 Anti-authoritarianism and opposition to the state 1.3 Civil liberties and individual freedom 1.4 Violent and non-violent means 1.5 Environmental issues 2 Political roots 2.1 Within early modern socialist thought 2.1.1 Peasant revolts in the post-reformation era 2.1.2 The Enlightenment 2.1.3 The Romantic era and "Utopian Socialism" 2.2 Anarchism 2.3 Marxism 3 Notable libertarian socialist tendencies 3.1 Classical anarchist tendencies 3.1.1 Mutualism 3.1.2 Collectivist anarchism 3.1.3 Anarchist communism 3.1.4 Within individualist anarchism 3.1.5 Anarcho-syndicalism 3.2 Libertarian Marxist tendencies 3.2.1 De Leonism 3.2.2 Council communism 3.2.3 Left communism 3.2.4 Johnson–Forest tendency 3.2.5 Socialisme ou Barbarie 3.2.6 Situationist International 3.2.7 Autonomism 3.3 Other tendencies 3.3.1 Georgism 3.3.2 Guild socialism 3.3.3 Revolutionary syndicalism 3.3.4 Christian anarchism 3.3.5 Gandhism 3.3.6 Platformism 3.3.7 Within the New Left 3.3.8 Social ecology and Communalism 3.3.9 Participism 3.3.10 Inclusive Democracy 3.3.11 Insurrectionary anarchism 3.3.12 Within the labour movement and parliamentary politics 3.3.13 Zapatismo and Magonism 3.3.14 Left wing market anarchism 3.3.15 Communization 4 Contemporary libertarian socialism 5 Libertarian socialist periodicals 6 See also 7 References 8 Bibliography 9 External links 9.1 Libertarian socialist general resources 9.2 Introductory articles 9.3 Libertarian socialist websites 9.4 Libertarian socialist history 9.5 Film Overview[edit] Libertarian socialism is a western philosophy with diverse interpretations, though some general commonalities can be found in its many incarnations. Its proponents generally advocate a worker-oriented system of production and organization in the workplace that in some aspects radically departs from neoclassical economics in favor of democratic cooperatives or common ownership of the means of production (socialism).[28] They propose that this economic system be executed in a manner that attempts to maximize the liberty of individuals and minimize concentration of power or authority (libertarianism). August 17, 1860 edition of libertarian Communist publication Le Libertaire edited by Joseph Déjacque. Libertarian socialists are strongly critical of coercive institutions, which often leads them to reject the legitimacy of the state in favor of anarchism.[29] Adherents propose achieving this through decentralization of political and economic power, usually involving the socialization of most large-scale private property and enterprise (while retaining respect for personal property). Libertarian socialism tends to deny the legitimacy of most forms of economically significant private property, viewing capitalist property relations as forms of domination that are antagonistic to individual freedom.[30][31] The first anarchist journal to use the term "libertarian" was Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social and it was published in New York City between 1858 and 1861 by French anarcho-communist Joseph Déjacque.[32] "The next recorded use of the term was in Europe, when "libertarian communism" was used at a French regional anarchist Congress at Le Havre (16–22 November 1880). January the following year saw a French manifesto issued on "Libertarian or Anarchist Communism." Finally, 1895 saw leading anarchists Sébastien Faure and Louise Michel publish La Libertaire in France."[32] The word stems from the French word libertaire, and was used to evade the French ban on anarchist publications.[33] In this tradition, the term "libertarianism" in "libertarian socialism" is generally used as a synonym for anarchism, which some say is the original meaning of the term; hence "libertarian socialism" is equivalent to "socialist anarchism" to these scholars.[2][34] In the context of the European socialist movement, libertarian has conventionally been used to describe those who opposed state socialism, such as Mikhail Bakunin. The association of socialism with libertarianism predates that of capitalism, and many anti-authoritarians still decry what they see as a mistaken association of capitalism with libertarianism in the United States.[35] As Noam Chomsky put it, a consistent libertarian "must oppose private ownership of the means of production and wage slavery, which is a component of this system, as incompatible with the principle that labor must be freely undertaken and under the control of the producer."[36] In a chapter recounting the history of libertarian socialism, economist Robin Hahnel relates that thus far the period where libertarian socialism has had its greatest impact was at the end of the 19th century through the first four decades of the twentieth century. Early in the twentieth century, libertarian socialism was as powerful a force as social democracy and communism. The Libertarian International– founded at the Congress of Saint Imier a few days after the split between Marxist and libertarians at the congress of the Socialist International held in The Hague in 1872– competed successfully against social democrats and communists alike for the loyalty of anticapitalist activists, revolutionaries, workers, unions and political parties for over fifty years. Libertarian socialists played a major role in the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. Libertarian socialists played a dominant role in the Mexican Revolution of 1911. Twenty years after World War I was over, libertarian socialists were still strong enough to spearhead the social revolution that swept across Republican Spain in 1936 and 1937.[37] On the other hand a libertarian trend also developed within marxism which gained visibility around the late 1910s mainly in reaction against Bolshevism and Leninism rising to power and establishing the Soviet Union. Contemporary libertarian Marxist Harry Cleaver describes the situation as follows: Outside and against this process of turning of Marxism into an ideology of domination, however, were various revolutionary tendencies which still drew on Marx's work to inform their struggles and which rejected both social- democratic and Marxist-Leninist versions of his theory. The most interesting of these, those that are relevant to my current purpose, have been those which insisted on the primacy of the self-activity and creativity of people in struggle against capitalism. Within the space of these tendencies there has developed a coherent critique of "orthodox Marxism" that includes not only a rejection of the concept of "the transition" but a reconceptualization of the process of transcending capitalism that has remarkable similarities to Kropotkin's thinking on this subject. ... Thus one of the earliest political tendencies within which this approach appeared after the Russian revolution of 1917 was that of "Council Communism" which saw the "workers councils" in Germany (see Bavarian Soviet Republic), or the soviets in Russia, as new organizational forms constructed by the people. As with the anarchists, they too saw the Bolshevik take-over of the soviets (like that of the trade unions) as subverting the revolution and beginning the restoration of domination and exploitation. ... Over the years this emphasis on working class autonomy has resulted in a reinterpretation of Marxist theory that has brought out the two-sided character of the class struggle and shifted the focus from capital (the preoccupation of orthodox Marxism) to the workers. ... As a result, not only has there been a recognition that capitalism seeks to subordinate everyone's life (from the traditional factory proletariat to peasants, housewives and students) but that all those peoples' struggles involve both the resistance to this subordination and the effort to construct alternative ways of being.[38] Anti-capitalism[edit] Main article: Anti-capitalism Part of a series on Socialism Red flag waving.svg Development[show] Ideas[show] Models[show] Variants[show] History by country[show] People[show] Organizations[show] Socialism portal Economics portal Politics portal v t e Libertarian socialists are anti-capitalist, and can thus be distinguished from right-wing libertarians. Whereas capitalist (and right-libertarian) principles concentrate economic power in the hands of those who own the most capital, libertarian socialism aims to distribute power, and thus freedom, more equally amongst members of society. A key difference between libertarian socialism and capitalist libertarianism is that advocates of the former generally believe that one's degree of freedom is affected by one's economic and social status, whereas advocates of the latter focus on freedom of choice within a capitalist framework. This is sometimes characterized as a desire to maximize "free creativity" in a society in preference to "free enterprise."[39] Within anarchism there emerged a critique of wage slavery which refers to a situation perceived as quasi-voluntary slavery,[40] where a person's livelihood depends on wages, especially when the dependence is total and immediate.[41][42] It is a negatively connoted term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person. The term wage slavery has been used to criticize economic exploitation and social stratification, with the former seen primarily as unequal bargaining power between labor and capital (particularly when workers are paid comparatively low wages, e.g. in sweatshops),[43] and the latter as a lack of workers' self-management, fulfilling job choices and leisure in an economy.[44][45][46] Libertarian socialists believe if freedom is valued, then society must work towards a system in which individuals have the power to decide economic issues along with political issues. Libertarian socialists seek to replace unjustified authority with direct democracy, voluntary federation, and popular autonomy in all aspects of life,[47] including physical communities and economic enterprises. With the advent of the industrial revolution, thinkers such as Proudhon and Marx elaborated the comparison between wage labor and slavery in the context of a critique of societal property not intended for active personal use,[48][49] Luddites emphasized the dehumanization brought about by machines while later Emma Goldman famously denounced wage slavery by saying: "The only difference is that you are hired slaves instead of block slaves.".[50] Many libertarian socialists argue that large-scale voluntary associations should manage industrial manufacture, while workers retain rights to the individual products of their labor.[51] As such, they see a distinction between the concepts of "private property" and "personal possession". Whereas "private property" grants an individual exclusive control over a thing whether it is in use or not, and regardless of its productive capacity, "possession" grants no rights to things that are not in use.[52] Anti-authoritarianism and opposition to the state[edit] v t e Libertarian socialists generally regard concentrations of power as sources of oppression that must be continually challenged and justified. Most libertarian socialists believe that when power is exercised, as exemplified by the economic, social, or physical dominance of one individual over another, the burden of proof is always on the authoritarian to justify their action as legitimate when taken against its effect of narrowing the scope of human freedom.[53] Libertarian socialists typically oppose rigid and stratified structures of authority, be they political, economic, or social.[54] In lieu of corporations and states, libertarian socialists seek to organize society into voluntary associations (usually collectives, communes, municipalities, cooperatives, commons, or syndicates) that use direct democracy or consensus for their decision-making process. Some libertarian socialists advocate combining these institutions using rotating, recallable delegates to higher-level federations.[55] Spanish anarchism is a major example of such federations in practice. Contemporary examples of libertarian socialist organizational and decision-making models in practice include a number of anti-capitalist and global justice movements[56] including Zapatista Councils of Good Government and the Global Indymedia network (which covers 45 countries on six continents). There are also many examples of indigenous societies around the world whose political and economic systems can be accurately described as anarchist or libertarian socialist, each of which is unique and uniquely suited to the culture that birthed it.[57] For libertarians, that diversity of practice within a framework of common principles is proof of the vitality of those principles and of their flexibility and strength. Contrary to popular opinion, libertarian socialism has not traditionally been a utopian movement, tending to avoid dense theoretical analysis or prediction of what a future society would or should look like. The tradition instead has been that such decisions cannot be made now, and must be made through struggle and experimentation, so that the best solution can be arrived at democratically and organically, and to base the direction for struggle on established historical example. They point out that the success of the scientific method comes from its adherence to open rational exploration, not its conclusions, in sharp contrast to dogma and predetermined predictions. To libertarian socialists, dogmatic approaches to social organization are doomed to failure; and thus they reject Marxist notions of linear and inevitable historical progression.[citation needed] Noted anarchist Rudolf Rocker once stated, "I am an anarchist not because I believe anarchism is the final goal, but because there is no such thing as a final goal".[58] Because libertarian socialism encourages exploration and embraces a diversity of ideas rather than forming a compact movement, there have arisen inevitable controversies over individuals who describe themselves as libertarian socialists but disagree with some of the core principles of libertarian socialism. For example, Peter Hain interprets libertarian socialism as minarchist rather than anarchist, favoring radical decentralization of power without going as far as the complete abolition of the state[59] and libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky supports dismantling all forms of unjustified social or economic power, while also emphasizing that state intervention should be supported as a temporary protection while oppressive structures remain in existence. Proponents are known for opposing the existence of states or government and refusing to participate in coercive state institutions. Indeed, in the past many refused to swear oaths in court or to participate in trials, even when they faced imprisonment[60] or deportation.[61] Civil liberties and individual freedom[edit] Main articles: Free love, Anarchism and issues related to love and sex, Anarchism and religion, Anarcha-feminism, Anarchism and education, Queer anarchism and Individualist anarchism Libertarian socialists have been strong advocates and activists of civil liberties that provide an individual specific rights such as the freedom in issues of love and sex (free love) (see Anarchism and issues related to love and sex) and of thought and conscience (freethought). In this activism they have clashed with state and religious institutions which have limited such rights (see Anarchism and religion). Anarchism has been an important advocate of free love since its birth. Later a strong tendency of free love appeared alongside anarcha-feminism and advocacy of LGBT rights (see Anarchism and issues related to LGBTI persons). In recent times anarchism has also voiced opinions and taken action around certain sex related subjects such as pornography,[62] BDSM[63] and the sex industry.[63] American anarchist Emma Goldman, prominent anarcha-feminist, free love and freethought activist Anarcha-feminism developed as a synthesis of radical feminism and anarchism that views patriarchy (male domination over women) as a fundamental manifestation of compulsory government. It was inspired by the late 19th century writings of early feminist anarchists such as Lucy Parsons, Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Virginia Bolten. Anarcha-feminists, like other radical feminists, criticise and advocate the abolition of traditional conceptions of family, education and gender roles. Also the council communist Sylvia Pankhurst was a feminist activist as well as a libertarian marxist. Anarchists also took a pioneering interest in issues related to LGBTI persons. An important current within anarchism is free love.[64] Free love advocates sometimes traced their roots back to the early anarchist Josiah Warren and to experimental communities, viewed sexual freedom as a clear, direct expression of an individual's self-ownership. Free love particularly stressed women's rights since most sexual laws discriminated against women: for example, marriage laws and anti-birth control measures.[65] Libertarian socialists have traditionally been skeptical of and opposed to organized religion.[66] Freethought is a philosophical viewpoint that holds opinions should be formed on the basis of science, logic, and reason, and should not be influenced by authority, tradition, or other dogmas.[41][67] The cognitive application of freethought is known as "freethinking," and practitioners of freethought are known as "freethinkers."[41] In the United States, "freethought was a basically anti-Christian, anti-clerical movement, whose purpose was to make the individual politically and spiritually free to decide for himself on religious matters. A number of contributors to Liberty (anarchist publication) were prominent figures in both freethought and anarchism. The individualist anarchist George MacDonald was a co-editor of Freethought and, for a time, The Truth Seeker. E.C. Walker was co-editor of the...free-thought / free love journal Lucifer, the Light-Bearer".[68] Free Society (1895–1897 as The Firebrand; 1897–1904 as Free Society) was a major anarchist newspaper in the United States at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries.[69] The publication staunchly advocated free love and women's rights, and critiqued "Comstockery" – censorship of sexual information. In 1901, Catalan anarchist and free-thinker Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia established "modern" or progressive schools in Barcelona in defiance of an educational system controlled by the Catholic Church.[70] The schools' stated goal was to "educate the working class in a rational, secular and non-coercive setting". Fiercely anti-clerical, Ferrer believed in "freedom in education", education free from the authority of church and state[71] (see Anarchism and education). Violent and non-violent means[edit] See also: Anarchism and violence Some libertarian socialists see violent revolution as necessary in the abolition of capitalist society. Along with many others, Errico Malatesta argued that the use of violence was necessary; as he put it in Umanità Nova (no. 125, September 6, 1921): It is our aspiration and our aim that everyone should become socially conscious and effective; but to achieve this end, it is necessary to provide all with the means of life and for development, and it is therefore necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence that denies these means to the workers.[72] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon argued in favor of a non-violent revolution through a process of dual power in which libertarian socialist institutions would be established and form associations enabling the formation of an expanding network within the existing state-capitalist framework with the intention of eventually rendering both the state and the capitalist economy obsolete. The progression towards violence in anarchism stemmed, in part, from the massacres of some of the communes inspired by the ideas of Proudhon and others. Many anarcho-communists began to see a need for revolutionary violence to counteract the violence inherent in both capitalism and government.[73] Anarcho-pacifism is a tendency within the anarchist movement which rejects the use of violence in the struggle for social change.[74][75] The main early influences were the thought of Henry David Thoreau[75] and Leo Tolstoy.[74][75] It developed "mostly in Holland (sic), Britain, and the United States, before and during the Second World War".[76] Opposition to the use of violence has not prohibited anarcho-pacifists from accepting the principle of resistance or even revolutionary action (see: non-violent revolution) provided it does not result in violence; it was in fact their approval of such forms of opposition to power that lead many anarcho-pacifists to endorse the anarcho-syndicalist concept of the general strike as the great revolutionary weapon. Later anarcho-pacifists have also come to endorse to non-violent strategy of dual power. Other anarchists have believed that violence (especially self-defense) is justified as a way to provoke social upheaval which could lead to a social revolution. v t e Green anarchism, or ecoanarchism, is a school of thought within anarchism which puts a particular emphasis on environmental issues. An important early influence was the thought of the American anarchist Henry David Thoreau and his book Walden,[77] as well as Leo Tolstoy[78] and Elisee Reclus.[79][80] In the late 19th century there emerged anarcho-naturism as the fusion of anarchism and naturist philosophies within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain, Cuba[81] and Portugal.[78][77] Important contemporary currents are anarcho-primitivism and social ecology.[82] An important meeting place for international libertarian socialism in the early 1990s was the journal Democracy & Nature in which prominent activists and theorists such as Takis Fotopoulos, Noam Chomsky,[83] Murray Bookchin and Cornelius Castoriadis[84] wrote. The journal promoted a green libertarian socialism when it manifested as its aims that: “ ...the public realm has to be extended beyond the traditional political domain to the economic and broader social domains so that the reintegration of society with the economy, polity and Nature can be achieved. In this sense, democracy should be seen as irreconcilable with any form of inequity in the distribution of power, that is, with any concentration of power, political, social or economic. Consequently, democracy is incompatible with commodity and property relations, which inevitably lead to concentration of power. Similarly, it is incompatible with hierarchical structures implying domination, either institutionalised (e.g., domination of women by men), or "objective" (e.g., domination of the South by the North in the framework of the capitalist division of labour), and the implied notion of dominating the natural world. Finally, democracy is fundamentally incompatible with any closed system of beliefs, dogmas, or ideas. So, democracy, for us, has nothing to do with the present dominant liberal conception of democracy... "Our aims" by Democracy & Natureραχή® ‏@Chrysopsaro 16. toukokuuta Αυτό το "για κάποιους είσαι ένα τίποτα και για κάποιους άλλους τα πάντα" ισχύει... Εμείς έχουμε την τάση να μην το βλέπουμε...

colour revolutions nähty

Senior Defense Ministry officials developed that argument during their subsequent remarks. According to them, Western intelligence agencies conspire to foment "color revolutions" around the world. Itmonipuolinen orkesteri @TKSVOM on. WE HAVE HIGH EXPECTATIONS, DUDES turns out that Moscow considers "color revolutions" a new type of warfare. In his speech before the conference, Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said, "Color revolutions are increasingly taking on the form of warfare and are developed according to the rules of warcraft." General Staff head Valery Gerasimov and Main Operations Directorate head Vladimir Zarudnitsky expanded further on that brilliant idea. In fact, it appears that the primary function of the General Staff is to translate the policies of senior leaders into the language of military concepts. General Zarudnitsky did not disappoint: he painted a frightening picture of this new type of warfare, saying, "First, the countries organizing the overthrow of the undesirable government use their military potential to apply overt pressure, with the goal of preventing that state from using its security forces to restore law and order," Zarudnitsky said. "Then, as the opposition launches military operations against government forces, the foreign states provide military and economic aid to the rebels. After that, the coalition of countries can carry out military operations to defeat the government forces and assist the armed opposition forces to seize power," Zarudnitsky added. Interestingly, the Kremlin does not even consider the possibility that people living under authoritarian rule might simply get fed up with their leaders and rebel without outside provocation or assistance. According to Russia's generals, all popular uprisings are the result of foreign intervention — and yet they offered no evidence in support of that claim. Otherwise, they would have had difficulty explaining why, for example, Washington would have schemed to overthrow former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, whose regime had been loyal to the U.S. The general also made the curious argument that color revolutions are just another form of military action. He said, "It is impossible not to notice that all of the actions of the armed rebel groups, the tactical airstrikes and missile strikes using precision weapons were all highly organized, coordinated and linked in terms of their goals, objectives, timing and targets." He conveniently overlooked the fact that Libya was the only case where Western countries conducted military operations in support of an armed opposition. And yet there is no evidence that Libya's armed opposition were commanded by Western military headquarters. Moscow's main goal is to use smoke and mirrors to prove that color revolutions are really a form of disguised aggression that uses new technologies to destroy undesirable governments and remove them from the political arena. Russian officials tried to somehow force the situation in Ukraine to fit into their new construct. In so doing, they completely ignored the fact that the so-called "revolutionary" forces in Ukraine command that country's regular army, and that, according to the scenario spelled out by the head of the Main Operations Directorate, Russia played the role of the foreign government using its "military potential to apply overt pressure, with the goal of preventing that state from using its security forces to restore law and order" — in this case, by discouraging Kiev from using its army to deal with separatists in eastern Ukraine. Unfortunately, the pronouncements at the conference were not just so much hot air. Even though they were only acting on orders from above, Russian generals effectively breathed life into Putin's paranoid fantasies. After all, if "color revolutions" are really a new form of aggression, the General Staff must urgently develop a strategy for combating it. In this sense, Russia's annexation of Crimea and the actions of separatists in Ukraine's east and south can be seen as a sort of "color counter-revolution." What is more, that approach paves the way for using military forces to combat internal threats because the Kremlin is convinced that the West is constantly looking for a way to organize a "color revolution" in Russia. This sets up a chain of faulty conclusions in which Moscow interprets any protest against the authorities as an attempt to stage a color revolution — an act that is now defined as an act of aggression against the state. And by this logic, the government can mobilize not only the police and internal security forces to crack down on political protestors, but also the Army. Alexander Golts is deputy editor of the online newspaper Yezhednevny Zhurnal.finaalis

Niin tota mä vaan siis no kun mä mul ois sellane asia tai ei se nyt niin sillee oo mut kuiteski tavallaa niinku töttörööplörts #ujosössöily

Köyliössä vuonna 2007 rengastettu kalasääksikoiras Lalli on sittenkin elossa ja saapunut synnyinseuduilleen.

Ο άλλος έβαλε ολόκληρη σαλονοτραπεζαρία στο δρόμο για να μην του πιάσουν τη θέση του πάρκινγκ, έκατσαν δύο γιαγιάδες κ ψάχνουν το γκαρσόνι.Beethoven Emperor Concerto Nº5 E flat Glenn Gould TSO Karel A#ΧάριςHaris Alexiou - Mia Pista Apo Forforo Αλεξίου - Το tango της Νεφέληςuniteblue #tgdn #ctot #tcot pic.twitter.com/tX8kMxda93

Kiva, että pidit. Vain mielipide, mutta johonkin on nojattava.

I too rather a nice lady than Rosie Palm, and her five friends @ShawnaTova How's life lady?Eikä työnantaja palkkoja maksa, hän vain käsittelee rahaa. Palkan maksaa tuote. Asia joka olisi erittäin tärkeää aina muistaa. @Maiwwo · 25 min Jouduin just listalle "tuntuu hyvälle" (englanniksi). Outoja listoja ihmisillä..

aika onnekas

LTierala 47 s Lisää .@viisaampi Tästä pohjaa: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2014/march/tradoc_152280.pdf#Question1 … #TTIP

πρόσημοΒλακειες εχει η τηλεοραση. Παω να χαζεψω στο ψυγειο.

External Action Servicea If only I could be your reason #1 for bursting into random grumbling about impossible and passionate intercontinental love! ;)

Lambchop,https://twitter.com/jamesmashiri Never my love musik http://blip.fm/oorei http://blip.fm/aagochan https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TugpMGkILtw this sarmanto met onthe street today "KATUKUVASSA RUNSAASTI SHORTSIMIEHIÄ - KATSO KUVAT UHKEISTA POHKEISTA!" #uhkeatpohkeet #panopouta #kohushokkiseksivauhuopatossut tänää n blowfly.....ke$ha musiki ok.........alt-j good..mielen ja syfysiikan

tyhmää ruveetaa maailman taitavimmaksi maaaaaksi?no ok Ref. Testors – Don't Tell Me https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzKEU0nK8Ec#t=169 … #Leijonat #mmkisat #Rafaelinenkelicvalta pystyttää nänni alexi murdoch hyvä

BlowFly – I belive my dick can flyesize=567%2C1087" />kulttuuripalvelu its got tobe Worth it musicNot In Love – Crystal Castles (ft. Robert Smith)

Capitalism

Finally, a lot will depend on whether the U.S. and the EU would actually allow Poroshenko some serious room for manoeuvre to deal with President Putin. If he is boxed in by the demands of his Western patrons to keep the pressure on Moscow high, then his chances of achieving anything will be quite slim and the other oligarchs might just be tempted to bring him down.corp tame impala.emeli sande

Kuuma päivä tulossa. 24.4 mittarissa jo ja luannon kello on vasta puali 10.. Huh!Suomi

MR ΑΝΑΠΟΔΟΣ ‏@ANAPODOS2 3 t Näytä käännös 6,5 Ριχτερ ο σεισμος,ξεπερασε και το ποσοστο του ΠΑΣΟΚ.

Shuvalov: "It is necessary to create an attitude abroad that all those who are

kievkonstantinnopoliOrganisation of the Organisationless: Collective Action After Networks By Rodrigo Nunes Series editors: Clemens Apprich, Josephine Berry Slater, Anthony Iles & Oliver Lerone Schultz. Rejecting the dichotomy of centralism and horizontalismΜας είπανε και ΠΑΣΟΚ εδώ μεσα. that has deeply marked millennial politics, Rodrigo Nunes’ close analysis of network systems demonstrates how organising within contemporary social and political movements exists somewhere between – or beyond – the two. Rather than the party or chaos, the one or the multitude, he discovers a ‘bestiary’ of hybrid organisational forms and practices that render such disjunctives false. The resulting picture shows how social and technical networks can and do facilitate strategic action and fluid distributions of power at the same time. It is by developing the strategic potentials that are already immanent to networks, he argues, that contemporary solutions to the question of organisation can be developed. Buy on Amazon US $6.75 | UK £4.25 | DE €5 and other regions, Super Saving free shipping. PDF download Part of the PML Books series. A collaboration between Mute and the Post-Media Lab Rodrigo Nunes is a lecturer in modern and contemporary philosophy at the Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), Brazil. He coordinates the research group Materialismos (http://materialismos.tk), which investigates the resurgence of metaphysical speculation in contemporary philosophy and its interfaces with other fields such as politics, science and anthropology. He has been involved in several political initiatives over the years, such as the first editions of the World Social Forum and the Justice for Cleaners campaign in London. He is a member of the editorial collective of Turbulence (http://turbulence.org.uk). Rodrigo Nunes is a co-editor of What Would it Mean to Win?, Turbulence Collective (Eds.), PM Press, 2010 Reviews of What Would it Mean to Win? ‘Powerful vision of the possible and the seldom-seen present.’ —Rebecca Solnit, author, Hope in the Dark and A Paradise Built in Hell ‘This kind of innovative thinking, which emerges from the context of the movements, opens new paths for rebellion and the creation of real social alternatives.’ —Michael Hardt, co-author, Commonwealth, Multitude and Empire

der, Hermitage Capital Management:

Onnekkaimmat ovat myös onnellisimpia. Tutkitusti :)

nd, when young was keen to develop games. We never got to finish a single game because he had to start planning

Donner vs. Halla-Aho väittely on huikea. Viidakon tähtöset tuntuu yllättäen järkevältä. "Intohimo älyllisyyteen pilaa aistillisuuden" L.Da VI look nothing like this now. #safety #LOTO pic.twitter.com/o5z39fTFts Näytä kuva Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää Seuraajina inthesaltmine Damien ‏@Wolven 16. toukokuuta .@sauceruney Sounds about like something i'd do. ;) Näytä keskustelu Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää chris joseph ‏@sauceruney 16. toukokuuta Had a dream @Wolven was telepathically contacted by an AI and wrote a 30K page human interface mnemonic on 5x5 cards. Reading led to access. Laajenna Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää chris arkenberg ‏@chris23 9. toukokuuta @sauceruney rumored, heavily, but not yet confirmed Näytä keskustelu Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää chris joseph ‏@sauceruney 6. toukokuuta Find a penny. Pick it up. And all day long you'll party like it's 1999 #thatdoesntrhyme pic.twitter.com/x0jaBc9w1E

aros Kotsias ‏@LazarosKotsias 9. tammikuuta 2013 Χτύπησε το τηλέφωνο και έμαθα 3 πράγματα. 1. Χθες ήμουν σε πάρτυ. 2. Μέθυσα 3. Έχω καινούρια γκόμενα. Ελπίζω να ναι καλή

ylsää. Ainoa kiinnostava ohjelma "Ulkolinja: Tsaarin paluu Venäjälle" alkaa vasta klo 23.00 @YleTV1. Aamulla pitäisi jaksaa töihin. Details 22 : 20 9 AprMaiFIN @Maiwwo 'We want to live in the present and the only Abramson, it has been reported, was "brusque", "pushy", "mercurial". Take a minute to think if you have ever heard any of those words applied to men, let alone in a way that suggests a sackable offence. Spoiler alert! No you haven't. One source complained that Abramson "has this disapproving look on her face all the time", raising the thrilling possibility that Abramson was sacked for having Bitchy Resting Face. The publisher of the New York Times, Arthur Sulzberger issued a statement over the weekend furiously denying that Abramson was sacked because she was a woman and that it was instead due to her "arbitrary decision-making, a failure to consult and bring colleagues with her, inadequate communication and public mistreatment of colleagues". It feels almost too obvious to point out that all of those complaints can be aimed right back at Sulzberger, specifically in relation to his generally astonishing, notably brusque and especially brutal firing of Abramson. But as my colleague Emily Bell wrote, "no one will castigate him for being insufficiently warm and friendly, because no one expects him to be." No word yet on the state of Sulzberger's Bitchy Resting Face. As it happened, the editor of Le Monde, Natalie Nougayerede, was sacked on the same day as Abramson, and she also happened to be a woman. She, like Abramson, was criticised for poor communication skills ("very difficult to talk to"), her bossiness ("authoritarian") and her brusque nature ("Putin-like"). Fancy the coincidence! As former national news editor at the Washington Post Susan B Glasser wrote this weekend: "Just about every single thing that was said about Jill Abramson and Natalie Nougayrede was said about me. That I was difficult and hard to understand and divisive ... I have never read a story that I can recall about [a male editor's] 'temperament' ... Do you really believe that all these women were temperamentally incompatible with their positions?" That women in positions of authority face a double bind – be tough and get called bitchy, or be soft and accused of being weak – is not news. But it's easy to forget how tight this double bind is. On Monday the New York Times – yes, back to them again – reported that the Democratic party (you know, the liberal one) had never elected a single female governor in the north-east (you know, the liberal part of the country). Plenty of Democratic women have been elected to the Senate, but senators are part of a collective body, whereas governors stand alone. "Convincing voters that women can serve where the buck stops is still a hurdle," said one academic. Not only are voters and companies generally less convinced of women's buck-stopping abilities (women make up only 17% of board directors of the FTSE 100 companies, remember), but a report found that those few who are hired as CEOs are also far more likely to be swiftly fired. A company will hire a woman when it needs saving (as the New York Times did), because it reflects well on the company to have a woman in charge (as it did with the New York Times), but they will then be pushed off "the glass cliff" first, as women are still seen as "outsiders". "We tend to like those that are most like us," one of the report's authors said. "Sadly, company boards are still mostly men, and they're more inclined to pull the trigger on women if things aren't working out." So as you can see, a change is needed. To be honest, I'm not really convinced that changing a language can fix systemic sexism – playing around with words in such situations often feels like putting up new wallpaper over damp and calling the problem solved – but, hell, it's a start. Term for "tough – I don't want to say bitch exactly, but, you know, bossy. Insists on having things done her way, which can be a drag": boss. Term for "not always happy and smiling, which, personally, I find aesthetically upsetting": boss. Term for "female boss who doesn't always talk in the sweet dulcet tones of angels with the patience of a bank of saints": boss. Term for "boss who is not a man": boss. Term for "excess weight due to emotional overeating": grief bacon history that is worth a tinker's damn is the history we make today.' - Henry Ford

soma ja pelaajat Κλειστή η Ακαδημίας λόγω ύποπτου αντικείμενου piilotyöttömiä ja muita 1,4 milj

hei täällä tuoksuu mökille. sataa stadissa

tavoittelemasi henkilö syö juuri nyt banaania

Pertti Salonen @66pPertti · 2 t Vanhaksi tulee. Eilen lähdin kylille ja aamulla oli rahaa enemmän kuin lähtiessä?😊

@TSVKOM JES https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YKCDXkxnnpQ&feature=youtu.be …tänään on pastirölpäiväarvaa mikä tuossa on kävellyt.ne on joutsenen jälj....nimellä sitten merkki.Karjalainen - Sydänlupaus (virallinen musiikkivideo): http://youtu.be/nS_o-_vjVbk käyttäjältä @youtube YSTÄVILLE,RAKKAILLE 3tär antoi lahjan. Vaan eihän tätä haluaisi mukin alle piilottaa. #hienoinikinä pic.twitter.com/IcYv4KU9ti

Democracy is more an aspect of social lifeSuamiparka on lirissä taas kerran..s.kirvesmäki

Amerikan intiaanit ovat meidän Suomalaisten sukulaiskansa. Siperiasta vaeltaneita metsästäjä keräilijöitä. #IstuvaHärkä. Tiedot Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää Käyttäjätoiminnot Without the collective, individual rights are meaningless, why Seuraa Matti Wäänänen ‏@mattiwaananen @tjk59 ugh olen puhunutDemocracy is more an aspect of social life. collectice is teh FEEling , of Belonging. its security also.individual is to find solution(s)

--ni on se --ni

a/BnuW8rdIgAEEryG.jpg" imageanchor="1" >@tsamyx In your dreams, baby ;) Näytä käännös Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää 23.11 - 13. toukokuuta 2014 Twiitin teksti Vastaa @Maiwwo @tsamyx TsaTsa ‏@tsamyx 50 min @Maiwwo se oli suora lainaus ;)sanoin että onsinonsin. itekkii auttaako sensuality yksinäisyytee jos kerran etsii yksiä.yksinäisyys on synti.

pakkorako

sivilisaationi eten Georgia Panov ‏@geopanov 12. toukokuuta Σταζεις... ..Η αληθεια αυτης της στιγμης.....Kaj Kunnas ‏@KajKunnas 4 t Voiskohan täällä Minskissä jossakin ennakkoäänestää Eurovaaleissa? Vai meneekö sekin äänilipuke Lukashenkolle? #DemokraattisetVaalitKortilla Tiedot Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää Riku Salminen ‏@SalmisenRiku 13 min @KajKunnas Mulla on osoite. Huomenna ja ylihuomenna klo 10-14. Lyödään Lukashenka Eurooppaan.kiuruveden iskelmäviikko Tiedot Vastaa Uudelleentwiittaa Suosikki Lisää Käyttäjätoiminnot Seurataan Seppo Kirvesmäki ‏@ikamsic @SalmisenRiku @KajKunnas Lukashenko? No lukashe vaan! paikasta Kreikka....................................................................................,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,lllllllllö tässä vaiheessa ihan onneksi olkoon, ta

#Eurovision judge believes Poland went 'two boobs too far' with raunchy

aah its too hard work this sosiacl media kk luckily ts raining and cooold out.so special asfalt black n small green leaves this really is the weather for ENd of Marraskuu

Betula Nana , Oi miten kaunis tieteellinen nimi on vaivaiskoivulla. Betula Nana :)

SERRES UUDELLEENTWIITTASI MenFos! @Menfos71 · 59 min fixed RT @evrtuv: Goood Morning! VastaaVastattu0 kertaa UudelleentwiitattuUudelleentwiitattu 1 kerran1 SuosikkiLisätty suosikkeihin 0 kertaa Lisää serres @evrtuv · 59 min oood Morning!kokevat huipennuksen alle puolen tunn intuition im no prepared tobe impressed hutkiva tzurnalisti viiksivahaa :F areu afact Anne Viita-aho ‏@AvaAho 7 t Tää päivä kuluu television ääressä! Ensin jääkiakkoo ja sitten viisuja! #persepuutuu #suomivoittoon

Näin niin paskamaista unta että heräsin tosi vihaisena. Syytän hallitusta.

Morning sleepyhead! sweetcornn cleveland? Its history. It's worth repeating: The secret of politics? Make good treaties with Russia :)od against tyranny hi helped poor and innocent in early 16th centur northern India viiden joen alueella sword tucked in a gatra strap; Kachehra, a cotton undergarment; and a Kanga, a small wooden comb n secular life to be intertwined Athena is portrayed as a shrewd companion of heroes and patron goddess of heroi endeavour n classical greek mythology the role of athena changed an pantheon became organized leadership of Zeus

ou gorgeous bunch

Kun uraihminen tekee kuolemaa, hän ei puhu työstään vaan perheestään ja peloistaan, sanoo Juha Hänninen.27'atheistophobe' Sonja Saarikoski "Yleinen suuntaus on, että pitää tehdä töitä,leijonan pidentää työuria ja repiä itsestään enemmän suorituksia. Loppumetreillä näillä asioilla ei olekaan kauheasti merkitystä." Hänninen sanoo, ettei juuri kukaan kuoleva halua keskustella työelämästään. "Vaikka täällä on ollut akateemikkoja ja professoreja, tällaisia ihmisiä, jotka ovat tehneet merkittävän työuran, he haluavatkin puhua harrastuksistaan, perheestään, maailmankatsomuksestaan ja peloistaan." Juha Hännisen 3 parasta Vaimo ja lapset Vaimoni Päivi Hänninen on samassa työpaikassa, meillä on todella hyvä suhde. Kaksi tytärtä ja lapsenlapset asuvat ympäri maailmaa. Poikani asuu onneksi Helsingissä. Brändinrakennus Julkisuuden merkitystä ei aluksi ymmärretty ollenkaan terveydenhuollon piirissä. Olen yrittänyt tolkuttaa, että on tärkeää puhua saattohoidosta julkisuudessa. Moottoripyörä Minulla on iso Harrikka, jolla ajan kesällä töihin. Ehkä se tekee lääkärinkin inhimillisemmäksi, että on joku tällainen harrastus. Surullista on, jos kaikki unelmat on jätetty toteutettaviksi eläkevuosina, mutta aika loppuukin kesken. "Meillä on paljon syöpäpotilaita ja syöpähän usein tulee siinä iässä, kun ihmiset jäävät eläkkeelle. Jos on satsannut kaiken sinne, ajatellut, että nyt painetaan täysillä työtä ja sitten ruvetaan elämään, tulee helposti katkeraksi, kun suunnitelmat eivät toteudukaan." Kuoleman hetkellä ihmiset katuvat tekemättäjättämisiä – esimerkiksi sitä, etteivät työnsä takia ehtineet tutustua lapsiinsa. "Näyttää siltä, että monesta ihmisestä firman hoitaminen on merkityksellisempää kuin lapsen hoitaminen." Vaikka Hänninen näkee kuolemaa koko ajan, ajatus omasta kuolemasta ei ole helppo. "Tämä on työtäni. Välitän näistä ihmisistä, mutta en rakasta heitä. Oma ja läheisten kuolema on eri asia." Hänninen uskoo, että omalla kuolinvuoteellaan hän pohtii ennen kaikkea lapsiaan. "Olen eronnut kerran. Jos on huono mieli ja hankala olo, alkaa ajatella, että olenko tehnyt jotain väärin, esimerkiksi laiminlyönyt lapsia erossa. Uskon, että kuoleman lähestyessä mietin, olisiko jotain pitänyt tehdä toisin." Jos Hänninen saisi valita, hän haluaisi, ettei kuolema tulisi aivan yhtäkkiä. "Toivoisin, että olisi vähän aikaa valmistautua. Jättää hyvästejä lapsille ja lapsenlapsille, sanoa että te olette hyviä lapsia ja koittakaa pärjätä. En toivo pitkää kitumista." Suurin osa ihmisistä ei pelkää itse kuolemaa, vaan kuoleman tapaa ja mahdollista kipua sitä ennen, Hänninen sanoo. Joskus tilanne on sellainen, että mikään ei enää auta. Hänninen toivoo, että jos hänen oman kuolemansa lähestyessä kärsimys käy sietämättömäksi, eutanasia olisi mahdollinen. Aina hän ei ole ajatellut näin. Aloittaessaan saattohoitolääkärinä hän oli sitä mieltä, että kaikki kuolemaan liittyvät kivut ja vaivat voidaan ratkaista lääketieteellisesti. Työtä tehdessään hän kuitenkin huomasi, ettei näin valitettavasti ole. Mullistava kokemus oli hoitaa nuorta naista, joka sairasti suun- ja kaulanalueen syöpää. Hänen kasvonsa olivat epämuodostuneet, sylki ja veri valuivat ja letkuja oli joka puolella. Oli selvää, että hän tulisi kuolemaan tukehtumalla. "Silloin ajattelin, että mitä jos olisin itse tuossa tilanteessa. Mikä itu olisi elää nämä vaiheet?" Joskus potilaat pyytävät Hänniseltä, että tämä voisi lopettaa heidän elämänsä. Lääkärin mielestä tähän pitäisi olla oikeus. "Jossain vaiheessa ihminen saattaa kokea, että ihmisyys ja ihmisenä olo on päättynyt, ja tämä on nyt elossa pysymistä ja elintoimintoja tästä eteenpäin." Pari vuotta sitten Hänninen joutui taas jättämään hyvästit ystävälleen. Yksi mies porukasta, joka oli kokoontunut vuosikymmeniä, oli sairastunut aivosyöpään. Hän kuolisi pian. Vielä oli kuitenkin aikaa. Porukka päätti kokoontua viimeisen kerran. He ostivat ruokaa ja viiniä ja menivät Puolarmetsän sairaalaan Espooseen, jossa ystävä oli hoidettavana. "Juhlimme samaan tapaan kuin olemme aikaisemminkin juhlineet. Se oli vähän toisenlaista, piti juottaa hänelle viiniä, koska hän ei pystynyt itse ottamaan mukista kiinni. Eihän se kivaa ole, kun ystävä kuolee ja on siinä sängyssä, mutta se oli mukava hetki", Hänninen sanoo ja kääntää katseensa hetkeksi. Parhaimmillaan kuolema yhdistää enemmän kuin erottaa. Joskus ihmiset oppivat vasta kuoleman kohdatessa hellittämään ja olemaan tässä ja nyt. "Välittäminen on yhteiskunnassamme väljähtänyt. Oleminen on suorituspainotteista. Koko ajan on kauhea kiire johonkin." Kun miehet söivät intialaista ruokaa ja joivat viiniä Puolarmetsän sairaalassa, kiirettä ei ollut. Annettiin viinin saada ajatukset lempeiksi, ruuan laskeutua vatsanpohjalle ja olon muuttua raukeaksi. Juteltiin niin kuin ennenkin. Juha Hännisellä on tällainen tapa: Kun hän menee ruumiin luo todetakseen sen kuolleeksi, hän juttelee sille. Menit sitten kuolemaan, hän saattaa sanoa kokeillessaan, ettei pulssia enää tunnu. Näinkö tässä nyt kävi, hän juttelee. Ei Hänninen vainajalle puhu, vaan itselleen. Vaikka hän on elämässään nähnyt tuhansia kuolevia ja kuolleita, kuolema on aina uusi. Siihen ei totu. Hyvästien jättäminen on helpompaa, kun sanoo edes jotain. Ensimmäistä kertaa kuolema tuli lähelle Hännistä 25 vuotta sitten hänen opiskellessaan lääketiedettä. Hän vietti opiskelukaverinsa Pekan kanssa iltaa kaupungilla. He suunnittelivat yhteisiä reissuja, kaikkea mitä voisivat tulevaisuudessa tehdä. Seuraavana yönä ystävä kuoli. "Hän sairasti munuaisten vajaatoimintaa, mutta kuolema ei ollut näköpiirissä", Hänninen sanoo työhuoneessaan Terhokodissa ja kääntää katseensa hetkeksi maahan. Seinää koristavat syntymäpäivätervehdykset, sillä Hänninen täytti hiljattain 60. Vastapäisellä seinällä riippuu kehystettynä Konrad ReijoWaara -tunnustus, joka myönnettiin Hänniselle vuonna 2011 hänen työstään saattohoidon parissa. Saattohoitolääkäriksi Hänninen päätyi sattumalta. Hän opiskeli aluksi valtiotieteitä, mutta halusi vielä toisenkin tutkinnon. Nykyisessä työssään hän pääsee yhdistämään molemmat alat. "Jos uskoisi johonkin korkeampaan voimaan, tämä olisi varmaan johdatusta", hän sanoo ja naurahtaa vähän. Hänen oma suhtautumisensa uskonasioihin on epäilevä. Kirkollisiin toimituksiin hän kieltäytyy osallistumasta, koska pitää niitä epämiellyttävinä. Toisaalta hän on vakuuttunut, että maailmassa on pakko olla jotain, mikä ei ole aistein havaittavissa. Sen näkee hänen mukaansa jo siitä, miltä kuollut ihminen näyttää. Se on kuori, sen sisältä on kadonnut jotain. "Onko se sitten sielu vai mikä, en tiedä", Hänninen sanoo. Hänninen aloitti Terhokodin ylilääkärinä ja johtajana 20 vuotta sitten. Sen jälkeen kuolemasta on tullut hänelle arkipäivää. Tähän mennessä hoidettavia on ollut lähes 10 000. "Täällä näkee elämän arvaamattomuuden. On nähnyt niin paljon ihmisiä, jotka kertovat, että neljä viikkoa sitten kiipesin vuorelle, mutta nyt kuolen. Tai että kaksi viikkoa sitten kävin pyöräretkellä, nyt kuolen." Tämä vaikuttaa myös henkilökunnan asenteisiin. Pitkän tähtäimen suunnitelmia ei tehdä ilman varausta. Kun työntekijät puhuvat kesälomahaaveista, he lisäävät lauseen perään aina "jos vielä olen elossa". "Tällainen asenne saa pitämään parempaa huolta siitä, mitä on nyt." Voisi kuvitella, että jatkuva kuoleman näkeminen tekisi mielen raskaaksi. Mutta ei: ylilääkäri kuvailee työtään "kivaksi". Terhokodin työyhteisö on hänestä poikkeuksellisen hyvä ja kohtaamiset potilaiden kanssa antoisia. "Ihmiset ovat aika avoimia tässä vaiheessa. Heillä ei ole enää tarvetta esittää mitään tai pysyä pinnallisissa jutuissa. He haluavat puhua elämän merkityksestä, oman elämänsä kulusta ja kaikesta, mikä liittyy ihmisenä olemiseen ja elämään. Siitä saa itsekin aika paljon irti." Suurin osa potilaista lähtee rauhassa. He ovat surullisia elämän loppumisesta, mutta kokevat elämän silti olleen hyvä. Iloa tuo erityisesti perheen läsnäolo. "Eilen täällä vietettiin yhden miehen syntymäpäiviä. Perhe aikaisti juhlia vähän, koska sankari ei ehkä elä syntymäpäiväänsä saakka. Paikalla oli sukua, he söivät kakkua ja joivat kuohuviiniä." Hänninen on huomannut, että kuolemaa tekevät ihmiset edustavat "täysin eri maailmaa" kuin mihin yhteiskunnan ilmapiiri kannustaa.

Ei muuta ku mukavaa päivää

ninniinKUTSU "RAKENNAMME SUUR-VENÄJÄN". Venäjän johtavat poliittiset ajattelijat Dugin, Prohanov, Starikov ja Volynez esiintyvät Helsingissä 18.5. klo 12. Paikka: Helsinki, 18. toukokuuta klo 12:00, Hotel GLO Jugendsali, os. Lönnrotinkatu 29. Vapaa pääsy. Simultaanitulkkaus venäjä-suomi-englanti. Krimin historiallinen kansanäänestys ja itäisen Ukrainan tilanne ovat keskeisiä aiheita "RAKENNAMME SUUR-VENÄJÄN"-konferenssissa, kun Venäjän johtavat poliittiset ajattelijat kertovat näkemyksiään. Mukana euraasialaisen aatteen isä, Kremlin pääideologiksikin kutsuttu Moskovan valtionyliopiston professori Aleksander DUGIN, johtava patrioottinen ajattelija ja Zavtra-lehden päätoimittaja Aleksander PROHANOV, kuuluisa geopoliitikko ja historioitsija Nikolai STARIKOV ja perinteisten perhearvojen puolestapuhuja, neljän lapsen äiti Irina VOLYNEZ. Konferenssin jälkeen vieraat jatkavat pohdiskelujaan Nuuksion suomalaisissa järvimaisemissa kalastellen suomalaisten ystäviensä kanssa. Toimittajilla on mahdollisuus varata haastatteluaika järvimaisemiin myös seuraavalle päivälle 19.5. Puhujille voi esittää yleisökysymyksiä ennakkoon osoitteeseen duginhelsinki@gmail.com . Tiedustelut ja haastatteluvaraukset: duginhelsinki@gmail.com, +358 40 503 5474 Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/267098763475865/ Järjestää Suomen antifasistinen komitea (SAFKA) ja Euraasian kansanrintama tämä vapaus on Sitä vapautta . Fiskaaliunioni-EMUssa syntyisi maiden välisiä suhdannetasausjärjestelmiä ja sitovaa finanssipoliittista valtaa siirtyisi nykyistä enemmänsdp lähti sutta karkuun, tuli karhu vastaan. #kansaviisaus #tämmyy #hätätiedote #seinäjoki #pihkatappi

Glad you like it Ar

Aina paistais aurinko ja aina ois päivä ja koskaan ei ois nälkä ja kaikki ois silleen kivasti tasaista ja kuollutta ja jeOh!I've got to dress up In my playboy bunny outfit today an can't find my bloody ears! Found my tail haha 💭 chasemimiten talouden valtaussuhteet saadaan hämärrettyä vahvistetaan lähes väistämättä oletusta siitä, että ilman sääntelyä talous toimii vapaana hierarkkisista valtasuhteista.

whatdoumwean

WHAT DO WE WANT "Memes" WHEN DO WE WANT IT Polly & Chris ‏@_Wrap 6. toukokuuta Our Nordic-inspired sixth edition of Wrap is now sold out. Here's a look at @anttiuotila's foxy illu to reminisce... pic.twitter.com/mY4LzAAViO"Instead of regular science"Silittele toimiston tulostinta ja kuiskaile sille: "Pian. Se tapahtuu pian, rakas. Malta vielä hetki." #toimistomindgamesNaiset sellaisiaέτσι;Leijonan pitää saada loistaa tai huomio kiinnittyy RT @EzekielPulp: Στο σωστό βυζί η ρώγα κοιτάει τον καταγάλανο περήφανο ελληνικό ουρανό μας. pic.twitter.com/Hv9P5sshOD Mihail Gorbatshov kommentoi Krimin tapahtumia:"Historiallinen virhe on korjattuI really don't expect a girl to last with me. I am too much for them. I await to be disproved on this!

pankkivallankumous

Merkki suurvaltaS-Pankki aiheutti jytkyn.suhteiden kiristymisestä: ministerien puhelimet hiljenivätUnited States has financed & used fascists in Latin America to attack & kill opponents of naked neo-liberalism. Kiev 1st time in Europe.ennemmiis ofa Staate? i always neede..neocon wanna control oower Russiia

how to take the banks in theory a thats a virgin territory in politics. rule the finance

Runkataan Suomi nousuun.Markkinavoimilla on yhteinen uskonto ja missio, mutta niillä ei ole organisaatiota, johtajia tai koti- ja sijaintipaikkaa. ne ei ole sidottu eikä sitoudu kansainvälisiin sopimuksiin tai kansallisiin lakeihin. ”markkinaparlamentti” äänestää näkymättömillä jaloilla, ja äänestyksen tulos edustaa aina vähemmistön tyranniaa.

My lectures are events that cannot be copied :-).

another day volunteering at the judy butler museum. everyones asking if they can fuck the patriarchy. buddy, they wont even let me fuck it VastaaVastattu0 kertaa UudelleentwiittaaUudelleentwiitattu 256 kertaa256 SuosikkiLisätty suosikkeihin 454 kertaa454 Lisää Winttgenstein @critical_dril · 30. maaliskuuta some trot just uploaded about 40 or so unbought newspapers to my feed so im unfollowing everyone who isnt a business man or a cop VastaaVastattu0 kertaa UudelleentwiittaaUudelleentwiitattu 17 kertaa17 SuosikkiLisätty suosikkeihin 19 kertaa19 Lisää Winttgenstein @critical_dril · 28. maaliskuuta how dare you fuck with me. how dare you fuck with me , on the year of Gramscinojohttp://suoranta.wordpress.com/ Έτσι και σε κάνει φολο το ολγάκι το έκλεισα το ακαου. @sasxezwolous